Interesting Find
Interesting find: from pp. 219-220 of "THE MEANING OF THE BIBLICAL HEBREW VERBAL CONJUGATION FROM A CROSSLINGUISTIC PERSPECTIVE" by David O. Moomo [emphasis added]:
Martin argues that the letting down of the spies could not have occurred before they were told what to do. While Martin refers to this use of wayyiqtol as "dischronologized" narrative, Collins (1995) observes the same use of wayyiqtol and he refers to it as "pluperfect."
Buth (1994) notes this phenomenon whereby wayyiqtol is used not to express sequentiality, but to repeat part of what had been stated by another wayyiqtol form. Buth (1994:139) explains the standard narrative vayyiqtol will be used as though the story is marching forward on its time line, but the story actually does an about-face and picks up the time-line at an earlier point that had already passed. Among Buth’s several examples, I cite just one for illustration. This is from: Ju. 4:15
These examples are representatives of others that the scholars mentioned above have noted. They are evidences that wayyiqtol is not only used to present events in sequence in narratives. And, one may argue that the instances where wayyiqtol is used are not prototypical of the verb form, but possible extensions of its meaning. Although the use of wayyiqtol to present sequentiality of events in narratives may be statistically more dominant, other non-sequential use of wayyiqtol also exists in a significant number in the BH texts.
Interesting find: from pp. 219-220 of "THE MEANING OF THE BIBLICAL HEBREW VERBAL CONJUGATION FROM A CROSSLINGUISTIC PERSPECTIVE" by David O. Moomo [emphasis added]:
The statement above should not be taken as saying that wayyiqtol is always used to mark sequentiality in narratives. B[iblical]H[ebrew] scholars have recognised for quite some time that wayyiqtol may be used to present non-sequential events. One of such uses of wayyiqtol is what Martin (196
refers to as "dischronologized" narrative. He cites many examples among which Jos. 2:15 and 16 are just two.

‘And she (Rahab) let them down by a rope through the window opening, for her house was on the city wall, and she dwelt on the wall. Now she had said to them "Get away to the hill-country, lest the pursuers meet you …"’
Martin argues that the letting down of the spies could not have occurred before they were told what to do. While Martin refers to this use of wayyiqtol as "dischronologized" narrative, Collins (1995) observes the same use of wayyiqtol and he refers to it as "pluperfect."
Buth (1994) notes this phenomenon whereby wayyiqtol is used not to express sequentiality, but to repeat part of what had been stated by another wayyiqtol form. Buth (1994:139) explains the standard narrative vayyiqtol will be used as though the story is marching forward on its time line, but the story actually does an about-face and picks up the time-line at an earlier point that had already passed. Among Buth’s several examples, I cite just one for illustration. This is from: Ju. 4:15
‘And the LORD routed (wayyiqtol) Sisera and all the chariotry and all the camp with the sword before Baraq. And Sisera got down (wayyiqtol) from his chariot.’
On a careful reading of this text, one will note that the routing of Sisera by the LORD and Sisera’s getting down from his chariot are not sequential either in the real world or on the world of the narrator. The type of reporting what happened last before what happened first is reported, is what Buth refers to as "unmarked temporal overlay" (Buth 1994:139).These examples are representatives of others that the scholars mentioned above have noted. They are evidences that wayyiqtol is not only used to present events in sequence in narratives. And, one may argue that the instances where wayyiqtol is used are not prototypical of the verb form, but possible extensions of its meaning. Although the use of wayyiqtol to present sequentiality of events in narratives may be statistically more dominant, other non-sequential use of wayyiqtol also exists in a significant number in the BH texts.
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